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Bruce Webb Featured on Another Protected Echo Chamber, Part 2

 Bruce Webb was invited to be a guest contributor at Angry Bear. One might think he'd feel a desire or at least an obligation to defend his arguments and to respond substantively to my counter-arguments. Well, one would be wrong. Below is part 2 of the thread that transpired  on 5/7/08, and which culminated in an absurd criticism and banning of me by "rdan" of Angry Bear. See Part 1 first.

http://angrybear.blogspot.com/2008/05/bw-on-soc-sec-ii-shape-of-low-cost.html
Wednesday, May 07, 2008

BW on Soc Sec II: The Shape of Low Cost

This figure shows in graphic form the outcomes of Intermediate Cost (II) vs High Cost (III) vs Low Cost (I)

Outcome II shows the standard narrative. A Trust Fund Ratio rising to a peak in 2017 then a more or less rapid falloff to zero as the first the interest is tapped and then the principal is redeemed with the result of total Trust Fund Depletion in 2041.

Outcome III or High Cost shows the same process only accelerated.

But Outcome I or Low Cost shows a much different picture. The Trust Fund ratio peaks at about 450 about 2020 then dips to 390 by around 2040 as a portion of the interest is tapped but after a period of plateau sharply increases through the remainder of the 75 year actuarial window. This is quite literally the picture of a potentially overfunded Social Security system. Is a Low Cost outcome guaranteed? Well no. Is it possible? Certainly the numbers are not at all outlandish and perfectly in line with economic performance over the last fifteen years.

Can we at least talk about the implications of this?

Well I just copied this over from the Bruce Web in response to a comment from Jim A on the previous post. Some explanation of terminology is in order here. First the three curves represent the three different alternatives supplied by the Trustees. The only one generally reported in outcome II or Intermediate Cost, with the other two (High Cost and Low Cost) supposedly representing the outward bounds. In point of fact for the years 1997 to 2004 the deviation from Intermediate Cost was always in the direction of Low Cost and often exceeded its numbers.

Social Security solvency is measured in two ways. One is by payroll gap which is to say the amount that the payroll tax would have to be raised immediately or contrawise at Trust Fund Depletion to fully fund the current schedule of benefits. Per the 2008 Report those figures are 1.7% and 3.54% respectively, numbers that have trended down significantly since the 1997 Report. The second measure is Trust Fund Ratio which is to say Trust Fund assets measured as a function of time with 1 year = 100. Under current law (or perhaps simply practice) Actuarial Balance is defined as having a Trust Fund Ratio of 100 for each of the next 10 years (Short Term Actuarial Balance) or the next 75 years (Long Term Actuarial Balance). In 2003 a new measure was added which would have us evaluate actuarial balance over the 'Infinite Future Horizon'. This was in my opinion a simple gimmick to allow opponents of Social Security to use really scary numbers rather than focus on the traditional and reasonable 75 year planning window, a window that pretty much covers the interests of most peoples children and grandchildren.

Now in examining the graph we can see Low Cost (outcome I) we see a sharp acceleration of the TF Ratio after 2060 with it exiting the 75 year window at 650. This is dangerously high, that is if we consider the Trust Fund and more significantly the interest it earns as being a real asset. And we should because otherwise we would be arguing for what pgl calls a backdoor employment tax that called on one sub-set of Americans to subsidize General Fund spending. And theoretically there is an argument to be had there but it sure puts 'paid' to the 'poor people don't pay taxes' narrative the Right is so fond of. But in point of fact flattening the tail down to where the Trust Fund is at its nominal target of 100 is difficult, the only way of doing that is to starve the beast by cutting payroll tax rates and using General Fund dollars now rather than later to pay down the Trust Fund. Because the longer you wait the higher the proportion of Cost has to be born by the General Fund as opposed to FICA to keep interest on interest from bloating the TF. This is incidentally why cutting benefits or increasing revenues by such measures as raising the cap are counterproductive, they simply increase the amount of accrued interest without actually benefitting anyone today.

Of course this whole discussion is moot if we actually get outcome II or Intermediate Cost. Our choice of policy going forward is entirely dependent on whether future outcomes are closer to II or I which in turn requires an examination of the assumptions underlying Intermediate Cost and Low Cost in light of the fact that most of the bias over the last 12 years has been strongly to the upside. Yet all of the policy discussion to date simply clings to Intermediate Cost assumptions and considers the problem to be one of deficit in 2041 when it is not clear that is at all the most likely outcome.

Next post or so we'll stick in some actual projected growth numbers. In the meanwhile you can ponder the implications of a $117 trillion Trust Fund in 2085 (Low Cost projection)
Table VI.F8.—Operations of the Combined OASI and DI Trust Funds, in Current Dollars, Calendar Years 2008-85 [In billions]

Posted by Bruce Webb at 11:10 AM   Labels: social security

Comments (28) | Trackback (0)

Some time ago, I was corrected on my interest on interest understanding and the political problems that posed when my grandchildren are paying regular income taxes to pay the interest due the trust fund so my children can recieve SS benefits well beyond what they paid for me and my wife, but I think I had it pretty much right. I guess my question is whether apart from the federal government simply changing the Trust Fund law, is this really any different from my grandchildren paying all those income taxes so interest payments can be made to China? To my way of thinking the answer is "no". Also in yesterday's post, I did not mean to suggest that the Trust Fund was paying for all the costs of the Iraq war or the full fiscal effect of the Bush tax cuts, only that the deficit spending that has arisen because of the Bush tax cuts--my understanding on Iraq is that it is an off budget item meaning we just add the cost to the national debt and do not count it as part of the annual deficit--has been masked by counting the surplus FICA contributions of a couple hundred billion dollars, as a general revenue. I could be mistaken, but I thought that Reagan was getting a lot of heat for the ballooning deficits and that he signed onto increasing SS contributions as a way to make it appear the deficits were not so bad.
terry | 05.07.08 - 12:37 pm |
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Intermediate cost assumptions lead to outcomes more similar to the high cost than the low cost set of assumptions. (I think I detect hints from earlier comments from Bruce that this is not mere coincidence. The intermediate cost assumptions just may have been kept pessimistic, and thus close to the higher cost assumptions, for a reason.) The actual outcome, however, has always been somewhere between the intermediate and low cost assumptions, and the results they generate.

One big issue has been the use of rather low productivity growth figures. After a period of less robust productivity growth in the last years of this expanstion led to some worry that the period of elevated productivity growth was coming to a close. The latest batch of productivity data, released today, suggest that we may simply be seeing a different pattern. Since labor hoarding is not cutting into productivity growth much in lean years, there isn't much rebound in productivity in fat years. If that's right, then we might want to return to questioning the credibility of the Trustees' productivity assumptions. We might also want to give back a bit, though, if the recent slowing in immigration endures.

Anyhow, the point is that we may well face an outcome somewhere in between the intermediate and low cost outcomes. That covers a lot of territory, but it is all territory with more favorable outcomes for retirees than the Trustees and the Bush White House (and lots of other folks) have suggested.
k harris | 05.07.08 - 12:54 pm |
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from the last thread:
But the point I was really making was that PayGo doesn't equal Ponzi.
I agree. The only thing that makes is appear somewhat ponzi-like is that it relies to an extant of an ever increasing pool of current payers to support a pool of current payees (former payers). A conventional Ponzi scheme collapses when one runs out of willing new payers. Because SS is a mandated government program, the number of payers is (for the most part*)demographicly driven. The question is how we match a rate of growth of payees that is projected to grow faster than the rate of growth in payers.

*Most people have a great deal of choice with regard to when they move from one column to the other, and the government has slowly expanded the types of employment covered by SS.
jim a | 05.07.08 - 12:55 pm |
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So under Outcome I, I guess the implication is that the 1983 increase in payroll taxes was already bailing out the long-term General Fund deficit. Clinton pushed for some reduction in the General Fund insanity but Bush43 increased General Fund insanity to the point where we'd need even more payroll taxation (less SS benefits - same tax rate). Gee - the Republicans do love to stick it to the working class no matter how you slice it!
pgl | 05.07.08 - 1:00 pm |
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Dead on pgl. Cultivating commissions from the masses by "privitizing" your FICA was going to be the next big boom for the Wall St crowd. Comissions and fees for as far as the eye could see was their modern day version of sugar plum faries...
dickeylee | 05.07.08 - 1:07 pm |
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k harris
precisely right.

The interesting thing about 2008 Low Cost is that it let the lid off. One of my first observations about Low Cost, made in about 1999 was that it always ended up with a system in equilibrium with Social Security fully funded with a flat Trust Fund ratio. And this continued right through to the 2007 Report. I call this the Baby Bear forecast, by coincidence or design the combination of Low Cost economic and demographic projections always resulted in a porridge that was just right, never too hot and never too cold. Statistically this was an unlikely outcome, it was very, very odd that better than projected current year growth was consistently offset by changes in future numbers in a way that produced what was operationally the same outcome.

But whatever produced this effect it is no longer in place and so freeing us to make the observation you do. I don't need to make the argument that Low Cost is likely, just that results better than Intermediate Cost are more likely than not. Which will cause outcome II to on balance move farther out and potentially get back to long term actuarial balance.

In any event there is nothing in the numbers that suggest we need to take action short term. People who assert that delay just makes the final price tag bigger simply don't have the numbers, the payroll gap went down sharply between the 2006 Report (2.02%) and the 2008 (1.7%). A good part of this was due to one time adjustments in assumptions. In 2006 a change in assumed interest moved the gap from 1.92% to 2.02%, in 2008 a change in methodology on immigration moved the number from 2007s 1.95% to 1.7%, meaning we can't just do a straight out extrapolation. But the medium term trend is running in favor of solvency or at least of pushing depletion back. Twelve years of doing nothing has taken the payroll gap down from 1997's 2.23% to 2008's 1.7%, in effect delivering an average 2% tax cut to all wage workers over that time period. Such is the Cost of Inactivity.
Bruce Webb |
Homepage | 05.07.08 - 1:12 pm | #


pgl put a little more extreemly that I would have, but..yes.

People who assert that delay just makes the final price tag bigger simply don't have the numbers, the payroll gap went down sharply between the 2006 Report (2.02%) and the 2008 (1.7%). I'm simply not sure that we CAN do anything meaningful now. As a "trust fund skeptic," I simply don't think that it's really possible to pre-fund the BB retirement. We can't REALLY pay future retirement benefits out of current payroll taxes. The trust fund is simply an accounting way of paying for them partly out of future income taxes.

The central problem is that the American people don't want to live within their means and consistantly vote for politicians that promise them that they won't have to. "Tax cuts pay for themselves" and "I'll cut somebody else's porkbarrel, but I'll make sure that our special program gets funding." are the nonsene that we hear. The balancing act just gets harder and harder as an ever-larger part of the budget goes to interest, both on publicly held debts and trust funds. Really the only thing that we could do NOW would be to pay down publicly held debt now to preserve the governments ability to borrow at reasonable rates when the trust fund accounts need payment. I'm not holding my breath.
jim a | 05.07.08 - 1:27 pm |
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Bruce Webb,

Re: "cutting benefits or increasing revenues by such measures as raising the cap are counterproductive, they simply increase the amount of accrued interest without actually benefitting anyone today."

As I pointed out on the other thread (as of now, you're still refusing to respond to my arguments and you're just spewing your usual insults as an evasive tactic), even if you assume that SS under current SS FICA taxation would be eternally "solvent", the "benefit" of cutting SS benefits or eligibility at some point is to reduce our long-term fiscal imbalance. This would be accomplished if we reduced projected SS spending, reduced SS FICA taxation accordingly, and offset that tax reduction with tax increases elsewhere. Which isn't to say that we SHOULD do that, only that we COULD.
Brooks | 05.07.08 - 1:28 pm |
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pgl that is not in fact a correct charaterization of the 1983 increase.

By law the Social Security Trustees are supposed to target a Trust Fund Ratio of 100 or one year of reserves. That ratio slipped under 100 in 1971 and gradually slipped until it flirted with zero in 1982-83. The 1983 increase simply was designed to put the Trust Fund back on track to Short Term Actuarial Balance, defined as a TF Ratio of 100 in each of the next ten years. The 1983 Commission determined that if the economy performed somewhere in the range of its two intermediate cost assumptions that Short Term balance would be restored within a ten year period. Their call was astonishing accurate the economy did in fact perform mid-range and the result was that in 1993 the combined Trust Funds once again had a TF Ratio of 100.

You can fault Reagan for many things but Social Security is not one of them. He inherited a problem that was allowed to drift towards imminent crisis by three Presidents (Nixon, Ford, Carter) and went along with a fix that delivered Clinton with a program in actuarial balance, which is to say he did what current law required him to do. In any event the dollar amounts of the surplus were in the Reagan years almost invisible in the context of the larger budget, the notion that the TFs were 'looted' or used to 'hide' budget deficits under Reagan was simply a piece of clever agitprop tossed in by the Right to subvert discussion among the Left by feeding their existing suspicion of the motives of Reagan and Reaganites. Clever yes, but ultimately without numeric foundation, it just didn't happen in the way the narrative would have it.
Table VI.A4.?Historical Operations of the Combined OASI and DI Trust Funds, Calendar Years 1957-2007 [Amounts in billions] By the end of 1987 we are looking at a total Trust Fund of $22 billion dollars, or an average of a little over $5 billion a year since the FICA increase. Not insignificant money but not even rising to the level of fig leaf in the face of actual Reagan deficits.
Bruce Webb |
Homepage | 05.07.08 - 1:29 pm | #


Brooks look up the concept of 'equity' and get back to me. You are suggesting that wage workers and wage workers only should be paying extra to back fill General Fund deficits and do so while accepting a reduction in benefits they were promised in 1983.

That is unfair. That Congress could make it legal doesn't reduce the inequity involved. Arguendo screwing over all wage workers does to some degree address our long term fiscal imbalance. Your task is to explain why wage workers should simply bend over and take it.

And you weasalish "I am not talking 'should' but 'could'" is not convincing anyone. You have made it abundantly clear that you favor cutting Social Security. And though you probably don't remember you started the name calling right back with about your third comment all those months ago.

Please go away. You are not adding substance to this particular discussion, instead you are trying to hijack it back to the same point you have been making endlessly since day one. I do not believe in censorship in principle, on the other hand the tools exist. If you want to actually focus on the issues under discussion and do so in a numerically centered way then great. Otherwise --

Your point as stated is trivial. It's unstated implications are not and result in what amounts to theft from workers. That you will not and have not addressed the substance of that is much of the problem here.

You're right. While being dead wrong. That is not an insult, it is an analysis, one that you have refused to engage.
Bruce Webb |
Homepage | 05.07.08 - 1:44 pm | #


"political problems that posed when my grandchildren are paying regular income taxes to pay the interest due the trust fund so my children can recieve SS benefits well beyond what they paid for me and my wife,"

Terry this will be the subject of a whole other post. But in a nutshell Social Security works best if it is in actuarial balance and not overfunded. With a Trust Fund Ratio of 100 and a nominal interest rate of 5% then you end up with a worker retirement system funded about 95% from worker contributions and 5% from the General Fund in the form of interest payments on money set aside as a reserve. That is not only a reasonable allocation of responsibility for worker retirement but politically insulated from the demands of people who do not draw their income from wages, it is what makes Social Security insurance and not welfare.

But consider outcome I above and a TF that bottoms out at 390 around 2041. What would be needed to flatten the tail? Well you would need to boost the General Fund contribution to about 20% for a 80%/20% split between wage workers and the rest of the economy. What if you proposed to get the system from there back to a TF ratio of 100? Well in the short term you would actually have to boost the General Fund contribution and cut contributions. And given that more and more recipients would be taking benefits while not actually contributing to the principle buildup you set up the recipe for intergenerational conflict your comment suggests. And the effects just get worse the longer you wait. At a TF ratio of 650 in 2085 you have a huge balance of $118 trillion dollars mostly made up of interest on interest on principle put in by workers who have long passed on. The obligation is there, it is real, but at some point stops being politically feasible, the insulation provided by worker funded insurance for workers begins to wear thin when the policy choices are just to let the TF bloat or take the hit by having the General Fund take on an increasing burden or more likely by imposing steep cuts in benefits.

An overfunded Trust Fund is at more risk from those who would kill Social Security outright than an underfunded one, it creates an opening in the form of the General Fund 'subsidy' (for certainly that is how it will be spun) and so allowing the interests of capital to meddle in a worker unfriendly way.
Bruce Webb |
Homepage | 05.07.08 - 2:05 pm | #


I hope I am not the one who "criticised" Bruce's "interest on interest" concern.

In fact Bruce is right... though I don't think you need to worry so much about the interest on interest aspect of it, as that simple borrowing, and compounding of unpaid debt will produce an exponential growth in the debt (any debt) that eventually exceeds your ability to repay. that compound interest is interest on interest is no different that if you formally paid the debt every year and then borrowed it back, including the amount you just paid, interest included.

But more important, i get the feeling that many people take the Trust Fund more seriously than it deserves. the Trust Fund is not Social Security. It does not matter much when or whether it "goes broke" especially if goes broke means, as it does,simply paying it off.

In the case of the low cost scenario, the "fix" would be simply to cut the payroll tax until SS is at least drawing down the Trust Fund faster than interest accumulates.

It would be better to cut the payroll tax sooner, and by a larger amount, to get rid of the Trust Fund entirely (except the one year buffer).

But we don't need to even think about that until we actually see that "interest on interest" beginning to run away from us.

Not that it isn't a good idea to get people to think about the fact that so far from "going broke" there is a reasonable chance that Social Security is over funded.


as for one commenter above (jim a 1:27) the trust fund is "simply an accounting way to pay for them out of future income taxes"

this is not really correct. you are forgetting that the excess payroll tax is real money collected from real workers. lending it to the government is income to the government, which it presumably uses in ways that make the country stronger and more able to pay its debts inthe future... just like any other investment. at the very least,the people who got tax cuts paid for in part by the Trust Fund borrowing, presumably invested that money and now are richer and better able to repay the money they effectively borrowed.

it's really not a case of robbing peter to pay paul... much less your befuddled uncle sam tryng to pay one pocket by taking money out of the other pocket... it is in form an ordinary case of borrowing from those who have to fund somethng useful and to repay the borrowed money out of the profits.

if you argue that gummint wastes the money... well that's an issue for the general budget between you and your congressman. it really has nothing to do with Social Security.
coberly | 05.07.08 - 2:32 pm |
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Brooks,

The argument that is offered by a good many of our elected leaders is that while it is perfectly OK for general fund activities to be paid for with a Social Security Trust Fund surplus, it is inconcievable that a Social Security obligations be funded by redemption of Treasury debt held by the Trust Fund. That is a purely political argument, which like any such argument is likely to pick up supporters if repeated often enough, but has no claim to ethical superiority.

Your verbal math works out, but it partakes of the political arugment. Similar mathematical truisms could be figured out for walking away from Iraq, ending agricultural subsidies, reducing our military preparedness to a level adequate to defend our borders and ending subsidies to energy companies. Those arguments simply haven't been repeated as if they had special (magical) ethical import. Math is not the issue. Policy is the issue. Why should the SS Trust not redeem its Treasury holdings? Why would it be good policy to reduce future payments of retirement benefits below the level that was the pretext for increasing FICA taxes in 1983? Why is it good policy to use the additional money millions of workers have paid to the Trust to fund their own retirement to pay for general fund obligations, and then refuse to pay those workers the promised level of benefits if it requires the general fund to pay back that borrowed money?

By the way, none of us is objective enough to know when we are getting a fair shake. You seem to think Bruce has somehow not given you a fair shake in this discussion. Let me say that, in general, Bruce has demonstrated a greater knowledge of the workings of the SS system than anybody else posting here, anybody reponding to posts here, and generally anybody who writes regularly for the websites you linked to in your earlier post. Bruce generally deals fairly, if not patiently, with dissent, but refused to be led off track when dissent seems to have missed the point. I'm not saying that is the current case, but it is generally true. You may find you are using up any good will that may be available to new guys on this site by trying to get into a slanging match with him.

Bruce seems set on an extended tour of the math of Social Security, and that cannot be a bad thing for most of us, who know less about it than he does. You are probably better off setting aside what you think you have learned elsewhere - at least for now - to given Bruce a full hearing. After that, if you still think the other guys have a better grasp of the issue, let us know.
k harris | 05.07.08 - 2:37 pm |
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jim a

the number of payees may be growing faster than the number of payers... but not by anywhere near as much as you think, and not for the reason you think.

we have more payees because we are living longer (this is after the Baby Boom passes. the Boom bulge was paid for through the excess payroll tax.)

and it reaches a limit... very nearly the famous two workers for each retiree you have heard so much about. but this is the same as two working years for each retired year per worker/retiree.

work about forty years, live in retirement about 20 years (to 85 on average). pay for it with a tax of about ten percent on the worker and ten percent on the employer (total 20%) so that you can pay a benefit that "replaces" 40% of your average real lifetime salary.

this is not burdensome... unless you have convinced yourself that young people neeeed a new lexus every couple of years more than they need a reserve of money to live on in retirement if that is what the want to do or have to do after they reach 65.

try to remember the total cost is 6% of GDP... and that is money going to keep you in groceries and a roof over your head when you are old, not money going to buy shiniy new smart bombs for the pentagon.

and the way to pay for it is... under the intermediate cost assumptions... raising the payroll tax a total of 2% for each worker (and his boss) in 2040 this would be about twenty dollars a week on a pay that has increased by 300 dollars a week over what it is today.

and there is no way for people to avoid paying the money. and social security is a more rational, and safer, way to pay it than any other on the table.
coberly | 05.07.08 - 2:41 pm |
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in case it's not clear, i agree completely with Bruce's last post (2:05)

he may say it better than i do.

for some people.

what's funny is that we could go from "Social Security is broke, flat bust" to "Social Security is a huge monster eating the economy" without missing a beat. In fact we have been through the "runaway Trust Fund" before, back in the beginning, when the Right saw it as a "slush fund" that would enable Big Government to come into every home and job and tell people how to manage their private affairs.
coberly | 05.07.08 - 2:56 pm |
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Re: “Brooks look up the concept of 'equity' and get back to me. You are suggesting that wage workers and wage workers only should be paying extra to back fill General Fund deficits and do so while accepting a reduction in benefits they were promised in 1983. That is unfair. That Congress could make it legal doesn't reduce the inequity involved. Arguendo screwing over all wage workers does to some degree address our long term fiscal imbalance. Your task is to explain why wage workers should simply bend over and take it.”

There is absolutely no advocacy of any policy choice in the arguments I presented on this thread and in my initial comment on the other thread regarding the appropriate conceptual framework for Social Security and for the decision of whether or not to reduce SS benefits or eligibility at some point
http://angrybear.blogspot.com/20...y-i.html#696873 . I’m asking you to address what I said, not what you think my policy preferences are. You are apparently incapable or unwilling or pretending to be incapable of understanding this distinction. Can you please try to separate my argument regarding the proper conceptual framework for decision-making from the particular positions you think I would advocate, and just comment on the former? Do you understand the meaning of this request? (that was not a rhetorical, snarky question; if you really do not understand this distinction, let me know and I’ll try again to explain it).

Re: “And you weasalish "I am not talking 'should' but 'could'" is not convincing anyone. You have made it abundantly clear that you favor cutting Social Security.”

There’s nothing “weaselish” about my statement. Again, you are missing a key distinction. My saying that a point I was making means that we COULD do something but not necessarily that we SHOULD is not the same as my saying “we could but I don’t think we should” or “we could but I don’t advocate that we do”. It’s just me saying that THAT POINT, that CONCEPTUAL or analytical point, in itself, does not constitute advocacy of that particular act or policy. Please tell me you understand this distinction.

As for my policy preference, I have been clear and up-front from my very first comment on a SS-related thread several months ago that, due to our need to reduce our long-term fiscal imbalance, I do favor means testing of Social Security to some degree (and I don’t know if it would cut off only millionaires or where the line should be) at some point (and I don’t know the optimal timing of phasing it in), along with cuts in other spending and tax increases. But I am open to considering and discussing arguments against means testing, as I’ve demonstrated here in my exchange with coberly (re: his objection on the grounds of “theft”).

But again, that’s beside the point. Please start making appropriate distinctions instead of confusing and equating two very different types -- one conceptual/analytical and the other policy advocacy -- and please learn to respond to the former on its own merits and engage substantively (and starting now would sure be nice).

Re: “And though you probably don't remember you started the name calling right back with about your third comment all those months ago.”

You initiated the name calling, personal attacks and general lack of civility from the very start, and in the vast majority of cases (threads) you initiated it. I have a recap of what I think was our very first encounter in my 4:31 comment here
http://thebrucewebbrucewebb.blog...ogtownhall.com/ But really, Bruce, I really wasn’t seeking yet another food fight with you here, and I ask again only for you to address my arguments directly, substantively, rationally and logically.

Re: “Please go away. You are not adding substance to this particular discussion, instead you are trying to hijack it back to the same point you have been making endlessly since day one. I do not believe in censorship in principle, on the other hand the tools exist.”

So you are not threatening censorship as your ultimate tool of evasion? Unbelievably lame. Again, all I ask for is substantive discussion/debate. I laid out a fundamental challenge to your post regarding the appropriate conceptual framework for Social Security and related policy choices and debate, and you responded with an explicit refusal to respond, coupled with personal attacks and an implication that my arguments were clearly wrong, yet with repeated refusals to offer any refutation of my arguments whatsoever.

Re: “If you want to actually focus on the issues under discussion and do so in a numerically centered way then great.”

Excuse me, but are conceptual matters not worthy of discussion, particularly when someone is arguing, as I am, that many are not using an appropriate conceptual framework? My arguments have nothing to do with projections of SS “solvency” and related data. In fact, my arguments grant you, arguendo, infinite SS “solvency” under current policies. Do you understand that?

Re: “Your point as stated is trivial.”

Why don’t you say what you said to me on your blog, that my points are all “true and trivial”. Interesting omission on your part here in this forum, as opposed to your blog on a thread which you promptly deleted. (1) Even if you think my points are trivial, are they correct? If not, which points are incorrect and why? (2) Why are my points trivial?

Re: “It's unstated implications are not and result in what amounts to theft from workers.”

There are no unstated implications of the conceptual framework I presented in terms of policy advocacy. It is simply a rational framework for decision-making on this issue. It recognizes the actual problem and the actual trade-offs involved with policy alternatives. And once the actual trade-offs are acknowledged and assessed/quantified, the policy choice becomes a matter of our values and priorities. There’s nothing about that rational framework that would prevent or even bias someone toward cutting SS. Someone may apply that rational framework and, by doing so, fully acknowledge the actual trade-offs and conclude that, based on his/her values and priorities, there should be no reduction in SS benefits or eligibility. Understand?

Re: “That you will not and have not addressed the substance of that is much of the problem here.”

No. The problem is that your inability or unwillingness to distinguish between conceptual/analytical points and policy advocacy points and your unwillingness to address my arguments directly and substantively. Your personal attacks, while unbecoming, are not “the” problem, since we could still have a substantive debate if you would only add substantive arguments to those attacks, instead of using those attacks as one of your evasive tactics, in LIEU of substantive discussion/debate.

Re: “You're right. While being dead wrong.”

I’m “right” about what? Are you saying that the arguments I presented in my initial comment on this thread
http://angrybear.blogspot.com/20...y-i.html#696873 are correct? If you disagree with any of it, please say so and please say why you consider it incorrect?

As for the “while being dead wrong”, I’ll be glad to discuss your points related to that contention. But as a matter of blogging etiquette and in the interest of productive, informative discussion, please respond to the initial point – my conceptual point – in that initial comment of mine on this thread.

Lastly, let me say this once again. Can we please just proceed to substantively discuss/debate each others arguments on their merits, preferably without the insults and other assorted garbage? Seriously, let's just have a real conversation, consider each other's points and respond directly and substantively, preferably with civility (but that's not a requirement if that's a deal-breaker for you).
Brooks | 05.07.08 - 3:02 pm |
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There's another perfectly good comments section ruined. Foolish me - I had been hoping I might learn something.
k harris | 05.07.08 - 3:21 pm |
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Brooks sorry you slipped up one time.

I posed the question that k harris did. Why if we are just talking about an abstract point of budget finance do you always use the same example? Why not use the Wild Mushroom Regulation Board (if such a thing exists). And you said it was because all of these small agencies paled in comparison to the challenge posed by Social Security. In that moment you irrevocably showed your hand, it really was about this particular program in this particular budget context. Your attempts to back track since are simply not convincing, your credibility, which was fairly low to start with after you decided to insult Dean Baker on his own blog on exactly this same issue, simply vanished.

And I might say that the old 'Joe was unfair to me on some other thread' thing is an old troll trick. It is far better to leave that behind and address the specific issue at hand on the existing thread. To do anything else smiles of cyberstalking, as does your amusing in context BruceWebWatch thing at Clown Hall. People may in fact conclude that I have been mean to you or unfair but why should they ultimately care? In the end you are just a screen name, it is not like I have slandered your good name on national TV.
Bruce Webb |
Homepage | 05.07.08 - 3:32 pm | #


K harris,

Thanks for your sensible comment at 2:37.

Re: “Math is not the issue. Policy is the issue.”

My point is that we have to first adopt a rational conceptual framework for policy decision-making (i.e., getting the “math” right, so to speak), so that we can correctly identify and quantify the trade-offs involved, and then, once we have that understanding of these trade-offs, we can then apply our values and priorities in choosing policies that reflect the trade-offs we consider optimal. I’ve seen people making conceptual errors and critical omissions, and that’s what I’ve sought to correct. Such conceptual/analytical corrections are distinct from policy advocacy, just as telling someone he’s gotten the “math” wrong on how much money he has in his pocket or on how much a Coke and a burger would cost is distinct from recommending what he should do with his money. And I’ve just been trying to get Bruce Webb to substantively address my conceptual point.

Re: “Why should the SS Trust not redeem its Treasury holdings?”

I’m not sure what you mean. We are legally obligated to spend the amount of those bonds on SS. That’s not in dispute, at least not by me. But the current balance of the Trust Fund is only around $2 trillion, equivalent to only a couple of years of SS spending. Most of the long-term SS spending will be funded through ongoing SS FICA taxation.

Re: “Why would it be good policy to reduce future payments of retirement benefits below the level that was the pretext for increasing FICA taxes in 1983? Why is it good policy to use the additional money millions of workers have paid to the Trust to fund their own retirement to pay for general fund obligations, and then refuse to pay those workers the promised level of benefits if it requires the general fund to pay back that borrowed money?”

Perhaps it wouldn’t be good policy. As Coberly argued, reneging on promises that have already been made regarding particular benefit levels, based on SS FICA taxes already paid, is arguably a form of “theft”. Perhaps that principle should ultimately override other considerations. I’m not sure. But the proper moral framework is to ask what the alternatives are and what benefit and harm will be caused by each. For example, take means testing: If protecting Bill Gates’ SS check means (just arguendo) that the working poor must pay higher taxes, but one believes we should protect Mr. Gates’ check because denying it would constitute “theft”, that is a reflection of that person’s values and priorities, and it’s a point of view I respect, although I lean toward the opposite conclusion regarding Mr. Gates’ check and means testing.

Also, remember, promises ALREADY made based on SS FICA taxes ALREADY paid are not the same as promises made going forward based on taxes paid going forward. If we lower the level of promised benefits, then later providing that lower level of benefits would not constitute reneging on what was promised (at least not what was promised explicitly).

Re: “By the way, none of us is objective enough to know when we are getting a fair shake. You seem to think Bruce has somehow not given you a fair shake in this discussion.”

Sure, none of us is completely objective, but have you seen the other thread? Bruce proposed a conceptual framework for SS, and I presented a fundamental challenge to that framework here
http://angrybear.blogspot.com/20...y-i.html#696873. He responded with nothing but personal attacks and implications that I was wrong, but nothing remotely resembling any refutation whatsoever. I repeatedly requested a substantive response, and he just continued his attacks. I think one would have to be quite devoid of objectivity to read our exchanges throughout that thread and conclude that he WAS giving me anything close to a “fair shake”.

Re: “Let me say that, in general, Bruce has demonstrated a greater knowledge of the workings of the SS system than anybody else posting here, anybody reponding to posts here, and generally anybody who writes regularly for the websites you linked to in your earlier post.”

I don’t doubt his high level of knowledge about the mechanics, details, data, etc. of SS.

Re: “You may find you are using up any good will that may be available to new guys on this site by trying to get into a slanging match with him.”

All I’ve asked from him is that he engage in substantive discussion/debate in response to a legitimate, relevant argument I made (in response to his post as guest contributor). That’s still all I’m asking for. I would hope that fair-minded people would see that, and judge me and my comments accordingly, as well as judge Bruce and his comments accordingly.

Re: “Bruce seems set on an extended tour of the math of Social Security, and that cannot be a bad thing for most of us, who know less about it than he does.”

Agree. I was just disputing one of the things he said and hoping that he’d respond substantively and rationally.

Re: “You are probably better off setting aside what you think you have learned elsewhere - at least for now - to given Bruce a full hearing. After that, if you still think the other guys have a better grasp of the issue, let us know.”

Not sure what you mean by what I’ve “learned elsewhere” and “the other guys”, unless you’re buying into Bruce’s suspicion that I’m parroting talking points from conservative think tanks or something. I hope you’re not making or buying into that (erroneous) presumption. The conceptual points I’ve been making I developed on my own, just applying logic to the key facts.

Regarding your 3:21pm comment, if I can just have a real, substantive discussion with Bruce, my comments would not detract from the value of this thread in the least. To the contrary, IMHO. Believe me, no one wants more to keep the discussion focused on the points/arguments/questions people are presenting rather than get into a food fight.
Brooks | 05.07.08 - 3:47 pm |
#


In fact we have been through the "runaway Trust Fund" before, back in the beginning, when the Right saw it as a "slush fund" that would enable Big Government to come into every home and job and tell people how to manage their private affairs. That was before the politicians saw that they could use it to direct attention to the unified rather than general fund deficit. At that point the well off realized that they could cut THEIR taxes and pay for it by persuading wage earners that they were sacrificing to "pre-pay" for their retirement and "save social security."

Look whether the trust fund is solvent or not is irrelevant. And interest on the trust fund exceeding all SS expenditures is a political fantasy just like the late Clinton "What will happen if we pay off the debt?" was. The people will always elect politicians who will find a way to spend the money. Arguably that WHY we're having this discussion. That big trust fund, just sitting there is drawing alot of political flies.

At the end of the day, we CAN afford for people to retire, although it is equally true that it is likely that when the BBs enter retirement, workers will have to pay a larger percentage of their income (through income and payroll taxes) to fund it.

But Coberly, I would rather have had the government use the trust fund to RETIRE debt held by the public, rather than see the money spent on ipods and plasma screens for the middle class and invested in the tech bubble and MBSs by the wealthy. It would have been easier for the future government to borrow on the public markets to pay for the bubble of baby boomers if it wasn't already drowning in future interest payments from today's borrowing.
jim a | 05.07.08 - 3:49 pm |
#


Well I had a point I wanted to make but somehow it got derailed. So let me quote from Brooks:

"I bear in mind that the credibility is a function not only of expertise, but also on objectivity (as opposed to bias) and sincerity (as opposed to deliberate distortions or lies in pursuit of some agenda), "

Brooks has made one version or another of this implicit claim in every thread right from the beginning. People who reject his argument are simply biased, or deliberately distorting the argument, or outright lying in pursuit of some agenda which Brooks magically can divine. This includes nationally renowned experts. If Dean Baker, the guy that literally wrote the book on this tells you that your argument on Social Security doesn't make sense the smart answer is to go back and figure out WHY Dean came to this conclusion. The really dumb thing is telling Dean to his face that he is deliberately avoiding your point to pursue a hidden agenda. In doing so Brooks called Dean and me and Barkley and Coberly at various times liars. Perhaps he doesn't consider that name calling, but I for one kind of resent it.

Brooks has simply asserted the right to determine objectivity and motive in other participants in the argument. Well fine I can take an elbow, but I don't expect opponents to pull a
Bill Laimbeer and flop and whine in hopes of get a foul called after getting a little shove back.
Bruce Webb |
Homepage | 05.07.08 - 3:50 pm | #


Bruce Webb,

I would much prefer to have a substantive discussion of our respective arguments than to waste time and space correcting you on all your utterly absurd, clearly erroneous assertions on side matters. But I can’t let you get away with this garbage. Sorry others, but there is only so much turning of the other cheek that I’m capable of, and I don’t think I’m out of line setting the record straight when someone is grossly mischaracterizing my past comments and charging me with dishonesty on that basis (let alone that he’s doing so only to avoid substantive discussion/debate with me).

Re: “Brooks sorry you slipped up one time. I posed the question that k harris did. Why if we are just talking about an abstract point of budget finance do you always use the same example? Why not use the Wild Mushroom Regulation Board (if such a thing exists). And you said it was because all of these small agencies paled in comparison to the challenge posed by Social Security. In that moment you irrevocably showed your hand, it really was about this particular program in this particular budget context. Your attempts to back track since are simply not convincing, your credibility, which was fairly low to start with after you decided to insult Dean Baker on his own blog on exactly this same issue, simply vanished.”

Bruce, I’ve explained this to you (I think more than once, actually). I would think you’d be embarrassed to keep bringing it up,. I’ll try once again.

You said: “We could pick the smallest out of the way federal agency and make every single logical claim about it you have advanced from day one about Social Security.”

I responded “Well, yes. As I said, every dollar spent on anything is a dollar contributed to our fiscal imbalance (except insofar as it generates a return on investment that produces revenue feedback). But your “smallest out of the way federal agency” would only be contributing to this fiscal imbalance a tiny fraction of what SS contribues. Yes, if someone contended that spending $50 million on this agency didn’t contribute at all to our fiscal imbalance simply because it had a dedicated tax funding it (and that tax was not a new, incremental tax, but was rather already included in the calculation of the fiscal imbalance), I would correct him, too. But such a conceptual/analytical error concerning that agency in particular would not merit as much attention and effort to correct people on their error as would the same type of error concerning a program that cost 10,000 times that much, right?”

Do you really not understand the above?

And in response to your repeated assertion that I am focused on SS and that that supposed focus reveals some dishonesty and hidden motives on my part, I explained to you that on various blogs I have spent a lot of time addressing other aspects of our long-term fiscal imbalance, related conceptual/analytical matters, policy options, and my policy preferences. In particular, I have spent much more time on combating the myth that “tax cuts pay for themselves” than I have on Social Security or any other aspect of fiscal policy. I’ve also argued for tax increases, against our ethanol policy, recently against a gas tax holiday, and in general, the need to look at ALL spending, in conjunction with tax increases, as we seek to address our long-term fiscal imbalance. But that point, too, apparently didn’t register with you, or you choose to ignore it.

Re: “And I might say that the old 'Joe was unfair to me on some other thread' thing is an old troll trick. It is far better to leave that behind and address the specific issue at hand on the existing thread.”

Hey, I’m all for leaving stuff behind and just addressing the specific issue (and related arguments) at hand on the existing thread. That’s what I keep trying to get you to do. But you keep saying essentially “No, I know you. I’ve seen you before. You’re dishonest. I’m not responding to you.” So a touch of hypocrisy on your part there.

I request yet again, can we just put the garbage aside and stick to substance? Will you please address my arguments – on this thread and the other one – instead of just continuing with personal attacks in lieu of such substance? Please, let's leave this silliness behind and turn to substantive discussion/debate, ok?
Brooks | 05.07.08 - 4:10 pm |
#


Bruce,

Re: "People who reject his argument are simply biased, or deliberately distorting the argument, or outright lying in pursuit of some agenda which Brooks magically can divine."

That is simply not true. I don't want to waste space here demonstrating it. I will, instead, ask you YET again to please just engage with me substantively. If you think my arguments are wrong, just refute them if you can. Address my arguments. That's all I'm asking for. I'm not even asking you to drop the personal attacks if that's something you cherish, only that you add substantive arguments that address the points I've made. Every time you refuse to do so, it becomes increasingly clear that your personal attacks and other criticisms are merely evasive tactics. It's unbecoming, particularly for a new guest contributor on a quality blog.

Again, please stop with the garbage and ostensible reason X, Y, or Z why you refuse to address my points, and let's please just have substantive discussion/debate on the merits of our respective arguments. ok?
Brooks | 05.07.08 - 4:20 pm |
#


Jim a

i agree with your last comment. (at 3:49)
coberly | 05.07.08 - 4:53 pm |
#


Brooks

I gave you a fair run, but now i have stopped reading your comments. i assume everyone else has or will, or that Bruce will invoke his prerogative to censor comments that don't get us anywhere.
coberly | 05.07.08 - 4:57 pm |
#


coberly,

When it comes to responsiveness to arguments/questions -- or more precisely, lack thereof -- you and Bruce are (somewhat) birds of a feather (although Bruce is much worse), so I'm not surprised at all by your comment.

Amazing to me that I could present relevant, substantive arguments, the contributor could repeatedly refuse to address it and instead just keep spewing personal attacks and keep insisting on (bogus) reasons A, B, and C why he shouldn't address my arguments (devoting more time to doing so than it probably would have taken to just engage in a substantive discussion, and with providing no value to anyone except those of us interested in the dynamics of the declining quality of political discourse in America), and someone (e.g., you) criticizes me and not him. Just amazing.
Brooks | 05.07.08 - 5:13 pm |
#


Brooks,

Let me be clear..

Bruce has earned his credentials over the years...your shouting will not earn you anything, right or wrong. Hijacking a thread will only earn being asked to leave, whether you are right or wrong on any particular issue.

There are a number of people here who will take issue in a measured and sequential manner, and argue the points, without hijacking.

Enough, be a citizen, not a hijacker.
rdan | 05.07.08 - 6:09 pm |
#


rdan,

All I've done on this thread and the other is to submit a comment with points relevant to the post. The response was not to address my actual arguments, but personal attacks (including gross mischaracterizations of my past conduct and assertions that I was dishonest and had hidden motives) and a bit of straw man argumentation, along with the implication that I was wrong but nothing even remotely resembling any refutation, to which I responded, ONE-FOR-ONE (not repeated posts on my own; each was a response to a comment addressed to me), including in my responses repeated requests to get engage in substantive discussion/debate.

Now you accuse me of hijacking the thread. And you say nothing about the incredibly lame refusal to engage substantively by your guest host.

What am I missing here? What should I have done in this situation? Not responded to comments of a contributor (or commenter) implying I was wrong without offering any refutation, while attacking my integrity and presenting gross mischaracterizations of my past comments elsewhere? That's not a rhetorical question; I really would like to understand how you think I should have reacted.

And do you have no criticism on the cause of this ugliness: Bruce's refusal to engage substantively despite repeated requests, and his repeated personal attacks and other evasions in lieu of such substantive discussion/debate?

I realize it's your blog, and you don't have to be fair. But I am appealing to your sense of fairness, as well as your concern for the quality of discourse on this blog and the quality of political discourse in America generally.

As a note, I suffer from no delusions of grendeur. I'm just a humble commenter, and I'm not asking for any special treatment or presuming that a contributor is obligated to address all, or even any, of my comments, but this is an exceptional case. I made a fundamental challenge to the contributor's post (the appropriate conceptual framework for Social Security and related policy choices and debate), and that contributor responded with an explicit refusal to respond, coupled with personal attacks and an implication that my arguments were clearly wrong, yet a repeated refusal to offer any refutation of my arguments whatsoever. That's just super lame. Don't you agree?
Brooks | 05.07.08 - 6:34 pm |
#

The way you see yourself is not the way readers see you. They see you as overwhelming the discussion, whether you consider you are answered or not, or whether you consider yourself unanswered on any thread.

That is hijacking...you could be agreeing, the quantity is hijacking. You have asked, and over the next week can read and gain an answer.

So no, I do not agree.
rdan | 05.07.08 - 7:15 pm |
#


There are no aggrieved parties here, and it is not an echo chamber based on comments from many. No more warnings. Advancing the discussion is the goal.
rdan | 05.07.08 - 7:20 pm |
#


ok, I'll try (yet again) to advance the discussion.

Bruce writes in his post: "cutting benefits or increasing revenues by such measures as raising the cap are counterproductive, they simply increase the amount of accrued interest without actually benefitting anyone today."

If by "counterproductive" he means that it wouldn't reduce our overall fiscal imbalance -- which is the big picture here -- then that is incorrect. Even if you assume that SS under current SS FICA taxation would be eternally "solvent", the "benefit" of cutting SS benefits or eligibility at some point is to reduce our long-term fiscal imbalance. This would be accomplished if we reduced projected SS spending, reduced SS FICA taxation accordingly, and offset that tax reduction with tax increases elsewhere. The result would be lower total spending, no change in revenues, hence a reduction in fiscal imbalance.

Bruce, do you agree? If not, why not?

------------------------------------------
WE ARE NOT SOLVING THE WHOLE BUDGET QUESTION TODAY.

Edited By Siteowner
Brooks | 05.07.08 - 7:35 pm |
#


Bruce,

Just curious:

Was that edit -- "WE ARE NOT SOLVING THE WHOLE BUDGET QUESTION TODAY" -- by you?
Brooks | 05.07.08 - 8:04 pm |
#


Brooks,
No. Go home and rest tonight.
rdan | 05.07.08 - 8:08 pm |
#

rdan,

I think you're misunderstanding my point, but per your request/insistence, I'll drop it for at least today, and hopefully you'll permit me to explain on another occasion. It's your football.
Brooks | 05.07.08 - 8:21 pm |
#


Okay one more time.

The obligation to repay excess contributions to Social Security with interest are real, legal and subject to Full Faith and Credit of the United States. Responsible critics of Social Security including Prof. Andrew Samwick and Dr. Andrew Biggs (formerly the Dep. Commissioner of SSA and now with AEI) admit as much.

Brooks' argument suggests that we can just carry those past excess contributions on the books without ever actually redeeming them in the interest of an overriding need to address revenue imbalances resulting from tax/spending decisions on the General Fund side.

Operationally benefit cuts and FICA tax increases simply time shift General Fund obligations forward in time and increase their magnitude when the bills come due.

If you think about it. Something Brooks seems to believe can be buried under ever lengthing verbiage.
Bruce Webb |
Homepage | 05.07.08 - 8:23 pm | #

rdan,

Am I permitted to respond to Bruce's response now? (I don't want to be accused again of hijacking a thread by just responding to comments addressed to me or my arguments/questions)
Brooks | 05.07.08 - 8:29 pm |
#


oh good grief....of course. I am going home. The point is learning, not grievance.
rdan | 05.07.08 - 8:37 pm |
#


Bruce,

Re: “The obligation to repay excess contributions to Social Security with interest are real, legal and subject to Full Faith and Credit of the United States. Responsible critics of Social Security including Prof. Andrew Samwick and Dr. Andrew Biggs (formerly the Dep. Commissioner of SSA and now with AEI) admit as much.”

I’ve said that, too, many times, in other exchanges with you, including on that other thread of yours, here
http://angrybear.blogspot.com/20...y-i.html#696873 and here (agreeing to a refinement of language suggested by “jim a”) http://angrybear.blogspot.com/20...y-i.html#696945


Re: “Brooks' argument suggests that we can just carry those past excess contributions on the books without ever actually redeeming them in the interest of an overriding need to address revenue imbalances resulting from tax/spending decisions on the General Fund side.”

That’s a fundamental misrepresentation of what I’ve said. In fact, as I’ve pointed out above, it is the OPPOSITE of what I’ve said. We have an absolute obligation to use the balance of the SS Trust Fund on SS, period. I’ve always said that, and I’ve never said anything contrary to that.

Re: “Operationally benefit cuts and FICA tax increases simply time shift General Fund obligations forward in time and increase their magnitude when the bills come due.”

How does that addresses my point?

My point, again, is that if we cut SS benefits (or more generally if we cut projected spending by cutting benefits and/or eligibility), and projected revenues were unchanged, it would reduce our long-term fiscal imbalance. That’s just math, right? Same revenues and lower spending equals deficit reduction, right?

And if SS under current SS FICA tax rates and applicable income are already projected to provide infinite SS “solvency” even with current benefit levels and eligibility (or if this current SS FICA tax policy would provide perpetual excess revenues if benefits/eligibility were cut), then we’d have to reduce SS FICA taxation to avoid default on the SS obligations (bonds) created by those excess revenues. In that scenario, we would just reduce SS FICA taxation and offset those tax cuts with increases in other taxes. The result would be lower overall spending, no change in revenues, and thus a reduction in the overall fiscal imbalance, and without defaulting on any SS bonds or related obligations from interest on those bonds.

To you that paragraph probably seems like too much “verbiage”, but I’m trying to spell it out and cover the bases, and I was as concise as possible while meeting that objective.

Anyway, do you understand my points above? If not, just tell me and I’ll try again to explain. If you do understand, do you agree that my points are correct? If not, why not?
Brooks | 05.07.08 - 8:56 pm |
#


And no. I have no powers to either edit or eliminate comments on this blog though I admit I explored the possibilities. Because we had little to no discussion of the original post thanks to a hijacking of the thread which put off possible commenters. I will be putting up another post on Social Security tomorrow which is not likely to focus on your narrow focus on the contribution of Social Security to overall fiscal gap, a gap that you refuse to discuss . If you persist on hijacking the thread to past discussions I will reserve my right to appeal to the hosts. Your insistence on pursuing your sense of grievance seems to me to be wearing thin.

I have two blogs fully open to posts or comments by you. Which would allow you to link back to here.
Bruce Webb |
Homepage | 05.07.08 - 9:03 pm | #


The sense of grievance is way out of proportion.
rdan | 05.07.08 - 9:22 pm |
#


Bruce,

I really didn't want to get back into this, and clearly there is a blatant double standard at work here in assigning blame for our unproductive back-and-forth, but since you insist on pressing the matter with erroneous assertions, listen:

1. On that other thread you presented what you thought was a proper conceptual framework for SS.

2. I presented a fundamental challenge to your conceptual framework and suggested a different conceptual framework that I consider more appropriate and useful for our critical policy choices regarding SS. See
http://angrybear.blogspot.com/20...y-i.html#696873

3. Rather than address the arguments in my comment, you launched personal attacks, grossly mischaracterized past exchanges I've had with you and others, and repeatedly, in response to my repeated requests that you respond substantively to my arguments instead of just attacking me and insisting that you shouldn't respond because of X, Y, and Z, that's exactly what you did.

4. I responded, one-for-one, to your attacks and evasions, each time correcting the record and requesting again that you respond substantively instead.

5. I get blamed for hijacking the thread.

And you STILL -- STILL!! -- haven't substantively addressed the arguments I laid out in my comment on conceptual framework. Please feel free to do so if for some reason at some moment the urge strikes you.

As always, I only seek a substantive, responsive, logical, good-faith discussion/debate on the merits of our arguments. I am forced off-track when I have to respond to your unjustified attacks and mischaracterizations, etc., but I would much, much rather just stick to substance from start to finish. Hopefully you'll let that happen someday. You can start with the discussion we're (hopefully having right now, right here), and it would be great if you could bring yourself to respond substantively to my aforementioned comment regarding conceptual framework for SS and related policy decisions.
Brooks | 05.07.08 - 9:23 pm |
#

I am sorry brooks, but that is enough. You make no sense.
rdan | 05.07.08 - 9:25 pm |
#


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The Bruce Web -- The Lost File

Bruce Webb has what he describes as an "obsession" with Social Security. He has a blog, The Bruce Web (www.thebruceweb.com) with a great deal of information on Social Security, such as official government reports. And he is a strong and very vocal advocate in the blogosphere for his positions on Social Security policy and the data that he claims support his position. I think such activity in general is, in itself, great. I wish more Americans showed that level of concern for major policy issues and provided useful information.
 
But in debate/discussion in the blogosphere, Bruce Webb has shown himself to be a poster child for what is wrong with political discourse in America today. When someone presents a viewpoint that he suspects may in some way threaten his policy positions or the talking points that support them, even if it is simply a correction of a prevalent analytical error that many people make in the Social Security debate rather than a policy argument at all, Bruce Webb immediately attacks, spewing a variety of insults ranging from assertions of others' ignorance to insinserity, hidden agendas and conspiracy. Further, any attempts to get him to engage in substantive discussion/debate are met with persistent insults combined with straw man arguments, non sequiturs, repeatedly ignoring straight-forward questions, and, if one responds in kind to his uncivil tone, double-standard criticisms regarding tone. Of course, he does all this in the safe confines of blogs populated by authors and commentators who overwhelmingly share his hyperpartisan mentality, knowing that he will not be called on his absurd conduct (and will sometimes even receive supportive comments from his fellow knee-jerk partisans). He also makes accusations and charges based on complete fabrications of others' supposed arguments or supposed absence of arguments, in both cases clearly erroneous, and upon being presented with evidence disproving his charges every time, he demonstrates a complete disregard for such reality, neither accepting nor refuting the demonstration of his error, and in fact often repeated the disproven charge. 
 
Recently, after engaging in such dialogue (for lack of a better word) with me for months on two different blogs, Bruce Webb created on his blog, The Bruce Web, a thread to discuss/debate a point I was making on those other blogs regarding the Social Security issue. Unfortunately, the Bruce Webb on The Bruce Web was the same Bruce Webb as elsewhere. The same garbage. And when he realized that his ridiculous conduct was making him look bad on his own blog, he said he will soon delete the thread. Oh, but he did, after several months of practically begging him to give straight answers to a few straight-forward True/False questions, finally answer those questions, admitting that I was right, despite his calling those same points of mine wrong all along, and saying those points reflect ignorance, dishonesty, and sinister, hidden, conspiratorial motives on my part. Of course, he finally made this admission in the same comment in which he stated his intent to soon delete the whole thread. I guess he didn't want a record of his admission that some of the most commonly used talking points of his "side" of the Social Security debate were invalid, and also didn't want to simply look foolish.
 
Below I have pasted the entire thread so far. He can delete it from his blog, but it will live on here. The only editing I have done is to replace a letter in Bruce Web's expletive with an asterisk. Needless to say, I AM BROOKS.
 

Monday, March 31, 2008

The Brooks Factor

Those of you who have been following the Social Security debate particularly as it plays out at Economist View and Beat the Press will be familiar with commenter Brooks. He believes he has an important argument to make regarding the relation between the overall national budget deficit and Social Security. I don't agree with his argument and have explained so at length but in fairness I am going to turn this thread over to him.

So Brooks!! State your case! And feel free to reference this post. I was going to incorporate Brooks case into this post, but it is very long and has a significant number of links, so in the interest of load time I will just give Brook's intro. The first three comments are Brooks, comment three fixes a broken link.
______________________________________________
Bruce,

Whatever your reasons for creating this page, thanks for doing so. And thank you for the civil and professional (non-prejudicial) manner in which you introduced this thread.

I'm just going to pick up where our dialogue was (lamely) interrupted by Mark Thoma.

17 comments:

Brooks said...

Bruce,

Whatever your reasons for creating this page, thanks for doing so. And thank you for the civil and professional (non-prejudicial) manner in which you introduced this thread.

I'm just going to pick up where our dialogue was (lamely) interrupted by Mark Thoma.

IMPORTANT: Please READ Thoma's post of Krugman's views and ALL my comments and yours here. This reading is essential (minimal) background for the following.

And here is my reply to your last comment (3/30/08, 11:12am), which Mark Thoma did not allow:

Bruce Webb,

(Mark Thoma and everyone: Please forgive the length of this comment. I don't intend to make it a habit, but I'm really trying to gain some understanding here.)

First, I’m glad we’re having a civil exchange this time, even though you are still not getting my point and apparently you think I’m not getting yours (which I am, but that’s beside the point, since you don’t think I am).

It seems possible that you only scanned my reply to your previous comment rather than actually reading it and thinking about it, since you are now making points that I addressed in my reply, and your comment here does not seem to reflect a knowledge and understanding of what I said. I realize my comment was very long. I wanted to clearly and fairly thoroughly address your points. If you just scanned it, please read and think about that comment as well as this one (despite the length) so we don’t keep going around in circles.

Re: “Brooks you are still making the same error. 'Would' does not imply 'should', at least not in isolation. If you believe that Social Security benefits are too high in relation to the utility of redirecting those revenues in some other direction then make the case.”

I am making no such error. As I told you over at Beat the Press and as I told you in my comment above, my purpose was to point out a fundamental conceptual/analytical error that many people were making and on which they were basing their strong views on the extremely important issue of SS policy and, in turn, overall fiscal policy. It seems that you don’t think that such a correction has any value in itself, but would only be worth making if it served to support a policy position one was advocating. I strongly disagree. If people are basing their respective positions on erroneous assumptions or fundamentally flawed analysis, it is worth correcting them just so that discussion/debate can proceed in a rational, logical manner based on relevant, valid arguments. You are free to see no benefit to such a correction if it does not support your policy objectives, but you should not assume that everyone has such a mentality. I, for one, do not. I cannot tell you how many times I have told someone who shares my policy preference on an issue that some of his reasons are invalid (e.g., factual or analytical errors) or brought to his attention a strong counter-argument that he was not considering or sufficiently appreciating. To me, that’s a matter of intellectual integrity as well as humility (humility because I realize no one can be certain that his policy position is best, so encouraging, facilitating and participating in legitimate, rational, informed discussion/debate is at least as important as promoting my policy preference – just as I think that professional educators should, in their classrooms, place a higher priority on providing information, analytical structures and training/encouragement of independent research and critical thinking than on promoting their particular views and preferences).

So yes, of course “would” does not imply “should”, and I have said over and over again in thread after thread that the point I was making does not mean we SHOULD cut projected SS spending (or that we SHOULD NOT). But if people are refusing to accept and acknowledge that a particular policy option with known costs (i.e., harm to those who would receive lower SS benefits than they otherwise would) “would” provide some benefit (reduction in the overall fiscal imbalance, and without defaulting on bonds), it is not possible to move on to a discussion of whether or not the benefits would outweigh the costs, right?

And may I ask why you did not respond to my question as to whether or not you regard my statements #1 through #4 as “True”? Will you do so, and if not, why not? I hope that this time we’re having a real discussion. I think it would be appropriate for you to answer rather than ignoring my question. You have said in this thread that the main point I’ve been making is quite obviously correct and have been met with agreement from the start. I’ve restated my point, or more precisely, points. If they are obviously correct, please just say so.

Re: “You continually talk about overall fiscal imbalance without ever, ever putting those dollars in context of overall budget figures.”

Simply incorrect. Many times I have provided links to charts, reports, and other info showing our overall projected fiscal imbalance and the components thereof (SS, Medicare, Medicaid, Defense, Interest, Other Discretionary, etc. as well as levels of taxation). Please don’t make such strong assertions of “fact” unless you have good reason to believe they are true. It’s very presumptuous and grossly unfair.

Re: “We could pick the smallest out of the way federal agency and make every single logical claim about it you have advanced from day one about Social Security.”

Well, yes. As I said, every dollar spent on anything is a dollar contributed to our fiscal imbalance (except insofar as it generates a return on investment that produces revenue feedback). But your “smallest out of the way federal agency” would only be contributing to this fiscal imbalance a tiny fraction of what SS contribues. Yes, if someone contended that spending $50 million on this agency didn’t contribute at all to our fiscal imbalance simply because it had a dedicated tax funding it (and that tax was not a new, incremental tax, but was rather already included in the calculation of the fiscal imbalance), I would correct him, too. But such a conceptual/analytical error concerning that agency in particular would not merit as much attention and effort to correct people on their error as would the same type of error concerning a program that cost 10,000 times that much, right?

Re: “"And I am NOT focusing particularly on SS (as opposed to Medicare, or taxes, or discretionary spending), nor have I EVER suggested “starting with” SS as we seek to reduce our fiscal imbalance." Come on now! Please point me to a post where you have used any other example. If the subject is Social Security whether here or at Beat the Press you show up and make this same argument and always in the context of Social Security. Perhaps you have made appearances on Ag Economics blogs and made the case against ethanol subsidies on fiscal grounds, all I know is that I never seem to run into you in threads that don't involve this specific topic. Your claim that you are trying to just make a general point about finance kind of runs afoul of your actual track record of commenting.”

Believe it or not, my participation in discussions/debates on economic/fiscal policies are not limited to this blog and Beat the Press, much less to just the threads you’ve seen me on (or recall seeing me on). First, even on this blog and Beat the Press I have indeed repeatedly advocated other means of reducing our fiscal imbalance (e.g., tax increases) as well as stating many times that we need to look at ALL spending as well as raising taxes. Second, I have taken a similarly comprehensive approach elsewhere in the blogosphere (and in emails and conversations with friends and acquaintances). I have advocated on numerous blogs and in letters to the editor published in major publications for a non-partisan or bi-partisan commission to put all options on the table and develop alternative means (alternative sets of sacrifices of various types and degrees) of solving the long-term fiscal imbalance problem. And I have indeed criticized ethanol subsidies, an appallingly lame policy – wasting taxpayer money and driving up food prices for little to no environmental benefit, and all because of the Iowa caucuses, farm state senators, and large agribusiness (e.g., ADM) campaign contributions. And it’s one of my poster child examples of why we need public funding of campaigns. (See my comments in threads starting here and here). (We probably should also rotate the first primary and caucuses among the states from cycle to cycle.) As I mentioned in my previous comment and several times in the past, I devoted a lot of time and energy in the blogosphere (and among friends/acquaintances), including many, many times on hostile RedState.com, trying to disavow people of the myth that, as a rule, “tax cuts increase revenues”, that the Bush tax cuts had done so, and that tax increases would not increase revenues. I explained to them that just because revenues had increased since the 2003 tax cuts, it didn’t mean that the tax cuts had had a positive net impact on revenues, and that revenue increases following the Kennedy and Reagan tax cuts didn’t prove the general rule they though it did (explaining that cherry-picked anecdotal observations don’t constitute proper correlation analysis, let alone establishing causation). Many reacted the same way you did, Bruce: by saying my assertion was not only obviously wrong but reflected utter ignorance, equating my correction of their false assumption with advocacy of a particular policy (in that case, tax increases) and accusing me of hiding my supposed agenda (“lefty tax and spend”). I have argued vigorously that further tax cuts would NOT be fiscally conservative because fiscal conservatism must mean, first and foremost, fiscal responsibility, which tax cuts would most certainly not represent, and I ridiculed the attitude of many on the right that tax cuts are a good idea under any conditions. And in my ONLY diary ever addressing SS in particular – indeed, to the best of my recollection, in my only COMMENT on SS in particular anywhere in the blogosphere outside of this site and Beat the Press and once or twice on Café Hayek – I did NOT advocate cutting projected SS spending, but rather addressed only the same fundamental conceptual/analytical error (on the part of both “sides” of the SS debate) that I have addressed on this site and on Beat the Press.

Granted, on this site and on Beat the Press I have indeed spent much of my time trying to correct people on this conceptual error being made regarding SS “solvency”. That’s because a large portion of the posts and comments about which I feel I have something to contribute pertain to that subject and serve to perpetuate that conceptual error. I have also, on these two sites, discussed the myth held on the right that tax cuts generally increase revenues, I have discussed on several threads the degree to which demographics contribute to projected Medicare cost growth vs. excess cost growth unrelated to demographics, and I’ve expressed my view that tax increases are necessary.

So hopefully you are satisfied that (1) despite your impression, I have NOT focused particularly on SS as a means for reducing our overall fiscal imbalance, (2) the points about “solvency” that I’ve tried so hard to make so many times is NOT even advocacy of cutting SS, just a correction of a fundamental conceptual/analytical error that people are making (3) that making such a correction IS worthwhile even if one is not advocating a particular policy position (just as it is in the case of the “tax cuts increase revenues” myth whether one opposes tax cuts or not), and someone offering such a correction is not necessarily hiding some agenda.

Re: “Are you talking letting Bush tax cuts on the wealth expire? Or raising payroll taxes in an attempt to have workers finance even more of the General Fund deficit?”

First, as I’ve explained, getting into a policy discussion/debate is really a separate matter from the conceptual point I’ve been trying to make, and we really should come to agreement on that conceptual point before moving on to particular policy choices. But to answer your question, I am not referring only or in particular to payroll taxes (nor have I given you any reason to suspect that). Yes, I want the Bush tax cuts to expire, perhaps with some adjustment. In general, there is a trade-off between tax policy that slices up the nation’s wealth more evenly and tax policy that grows the nation’s wealth, but I believe in progressive taxation, and given the major fiscal sacrifices we will have to make and the pain these sacrifices will cause, I lean toward (eventually) an even more progressive structure than pre-Bush since the pain will be great and wealthy obviously have more to give relative to the pain it will cause. But I would consider the impact on GDP and dynamic effects on revenue as well as considerations of wealth distribution and relative pain.

Now, assuming you are genuinely interested in a good-faith discussion, again PLEASE tell me if you agree that my statements #1 – 4 in my previous comment are “True”, and if you don’t think they are completely true, please explain. As you know, I have tried many, many, many times to get a straight answer from you on those statements, so please extend me the courtesy of answering. If you don’t accept those statements as true and can’t give a valid reason why they aren’t, further discussion would seem pointless.

Brooks

Brooks said...

One of my links above did not work. I'll paste the sentence below and hopefully link will work:

As I mentioned in my previous comment and several times in the past, I devoted a lot of time and energy in the blogosphere (and among friends/acquaintances), including many, many times on hostile RedState.com, trying to disavow people of the myth that, as a rule, “tax cuts increase revenues”, that the Bush tax cuts had done so, and that tax increases would not increase revenues.

Brooks said...

I don't know why the link isn't working, but here's the URL
http://logicizer.blogtownhall.com/

It's very useful for anyone trying to convince an irrational supply-sider that the Bush tax cuts have NOT generated higher revenues.

Bruce Webb said...

Brooks I should be able to consolidate these three comments into an integrated front page post sometime tomorrow morning which for me starts generally about 6AM Pacific. I'll reserve my response until then.

Brooks said...

Bruce,

If possible, please just post the first comment, but with the faulty link (discussed in the second and third comments) corrected.

Thanks.

Anonymous said...

This isn't related to the lead post, just want to thank Mr. Webb for his yeoman's work analyzing SS.

When I started looking into SS myself, starting as a person who believed there was a solvency problem, I came to believe that most of what was being discussed in public was counterfactual & spun to actually confuse people & stampede them into pre-selected "solutions" for a problem that didn't exist.

To my knowledge, you're the only observer who's compared the Trustees' Projections to the returned actuals, & that in itself should make one wonder - supposedly Congress & the press are monitoring such things.

Yet all ordinary people hear in the press is crisis hype, & both aisles of Congress buy into it, with the Republicans pushing for privatization & the Dems pushing for increased payroll taxes or lifts on the cap.

I hope you are able to reach a wider audience, & soon. Out here in the hinterlands, everyone I know is convinced SS is bankrupt, especially young people. If the economy tanks, that seems to me an opportunity for the "Leninists" (of the Cato school) to take down SS.

That would be a disaster, IMO.

Thanks again for your work.

HB

Bruce Webb said...

Brooks will do.

HB thanks. This blog was conceived and carried out as something kind of a passive link list back to the Reports, depending on interest I am looking to activate it in a more proactive way. It is astonishing how much difference having unlimited Internet access 24/7 via a iPhone makes.

Bruce Webb said...

Brooks, I don't have time to address every point. You might consider editing down some. But here we go.

"I'm just going to pick up where our dialogue was (lamely) interrupted by Mark Thoma."

Brooks you do this just about every time. There is absolutely no reason to take a shot at Thoma and frankly you are really not in a position to make those kind of judgements. You did the same thing with Dean Baker. This is not only extremely rude behavior in what is in effect someone else's house, it serves to immediately alienate other commenters who admire and respect the hosts. To put it in your terms that was both uncivil and unprofessional, and I might add typical.

"even though you are still not getting my point and apparently you think I’m not getting yours (which I am, but that’s beside the point, since you don’t think I am)."

Oh my God. You start right off the bat with a negative judgement of my understanding of your argument combined with a positive assertion of your understanding of mine. Once again you are simply applying a really appalling double standard. Too much of your general style boils down to" "I (Brooks) am right and you are wrong (and probably deliberately so) but I will slow it down so even a dunce can understand it". Boy howdy, and then wonder why you don't get any respect. If you don't give respect you don't earn respect. Earning respect takes something more than blowing onto a website and stating 'I am Brooks and this is how it is!' Which is pretty much your standard approach. As in the following:

"my purpose was to point out a fundamental conceptual/analytical error that many people were making"

It is simply your opinion that this error is one an error to start with, still less that its roots are in conceptual or analytical failure. Once again you are claiming an authority you have not earned.

"If people are basing their respective positions on erroneous assumptions or fundamentally flawed analysis, it is worth correcting them just so that discussion/debate can proceed in a rational, logical manner based on relevant, valid arguments. "

Rational, logical, relevant, valid as defined and judged by Brooks. Who made you king of the logical discourse?

"You are free to see no benefit to such a correction if it does not support your policy objectives, but you should not assume that everyone has such a mentality."

Once again you are simply asserting the correctness in your analysis of my motives and accusing me of ignoring your argument in light of my policy objectives, which pretty much equates to calling me a liar. That you don't see how offensive your language is is telling. And by the way you just blew your whole argument with the following:

"Well, yes. As I said, every dollar spent on anything is a dollar contributed to our fiscal imbalance (except insofar as it generates a return on investment that produces revenue feedback). But your “smallest out of the way federal agency” would only be contributing to this fiscal imbalance a tiny fraction of what SS contributes."

Which when you combine it with this makes you a dissembler.

“"And I am NOT focusing particularly on SS (as opposed to Medicare, or taxes, or discretionary spending), nor have I EVER suggested “starting with” SS as we seek to reduce our fiscal imbalance."

Come on Brooks, you let the cat out of the bag with "tiny fraction". You are making a specific judgement about the affordability of Social Security and not the general case you are currently trying to claim.

"First, even on this blog and Beat the Press I have indeed repeatedly advocated other means of reducing our fiscal imbalance (e.g., tax increases) as well as stating many times that we need to look at ALL spending as well as raising taxes."

Has it ever come in the form of raising taxes other than FICA? Not that I recall. If you think you are scoring points by saying 'We don't have to cut Social Security benefits, we could instead boost Social Security taxes' you are dead wrong.

Then after some blather about ethanol and supply side you return to form:

"Many reacted the same way you did, Bruce: by saying my assertion was not only obviously wrong but reflected utter ignorance, equating my correction of their false assumption with advocacy of a particular policy "

Dude I dare you to find a post where I said your assertion was 'obviously wrong' or that it 'reflected utter ignorance. Instead I pointed out not that it is wrong, but that without specific context instead 'trivial' and that while you may not be utterly ignorant you are amazingly obtuse. And you can't help slipping in another insult, which you may not even recognize as an insult.

More later.

Bruce Webb said...

"Now, assuming you are genuinely interested in a good-faith discussion, again PLEASE tell me if you agree that my statements #1 – 4 in my previous comment are “True”, and if you don’t think they are completely true, please explain."

I am genuinely interested in good-faith discussions. I just don't think that that is what this or previous exchanges are or were.

You deliberately entered policy threads specifically focused on Social Security solvency, made claims that made it clear that you thought Social Security was a huge liability (as you did here with 'tiny fraction') when challenged retreated into a very pretentious, overly verbose claim that everyone but you was making fundamental conceptual errors and that all you were trying to do was make a logical correction.

Well sorry I don't buy it. And BTW I didn't put up this post so that we could continue this ridiculous back and forth, instead I hoped you would state some actual policy position, that instead of trying to trick people into conceding your logical premises and then popping out your policy conclusion, that instead you would state your argument and then outline and justify the assumptions that underlie it. Instead you still are trying to lay dense logical snares hoping to trap us.

Well it is not working because frankly some of us are actually pretty highly trained thinkers. . You are trying to pitch a sophomore level argument into a discussion that here and there is happening at a graduate seminar level that you are perhaps not capable of perceiving. Which may explain why you have openly insulted some very high powered thinkers with world wide reputations (which obviously doesn't include me) but does include Professor Thoma and Dean Baker. I have all the time in the world, but I found it amazing that either would spend so much of their valuable time trying to show you the weakness of your argument and argumentative style. If you would simply look around you would see that these two guys are constantly being cited with approval by all the top thinkers in their field. By and large you would be advised to start with the assumption that they actually do understand your argument and are rejecting it on substantive grounds, or contrawise that it is trivial. In which case you need to reexamine that argument. Or contrawise you could conclude that you were not expressing your argument in a clear enough way and find some way to express it in a more concise way. Simply repeating your argument at ever and ever increasing length using more and more verbiage, throwing in latinisms in 'arguendo', 'ceteris paribus' doesn't demonstrate that you are some deep thinker showing obvious truths to the unenlightened, it simply reveals you as a pompous windbag of a type familiar to every academic who ever lived.

I have graded a fair number of undergraduate papers in my time and yours would probably come out with a B. For padding and pretentiousness for starters. If you would like me to put up a new fresh post so that you can restate your argument in straightforward terms from the beginning (and not in reference to past discussions) I'll be glad to do so. I was willing to take some time on the chance you were willing to elevate this above the level of tit for tat wordy flame war, well this was a disappointment. I wasted an entire morning here.

Anyway the choice is yours. If you want to make a positive, as opposed to a reactive, argument then I'll give you space. But I am not at all interested in continuing this kind of meta-discussion, particular not when it is laced with accusations of me acting in bad faith.

Civil and professional were your words. I don't think you have passed your own test.

Brooks said...

Bruce,

This is a response to only parts of your comments (there are a lot of misunderstandings, mischaracterizations and non sequiturs to deal with). More to follow.

First, I don't want to spend a lot of time correcting your mischaracterizations of my tone in the blogosphere or of your tone and comments to me, although I may try to dig up the threads with our earliest exchanges a few months back, and if I do I'll show you where you did indeed characterize me as ignorant (among other flattering descriptors) in response to the central point I made then and have been making since.

Let me explain something you are still not getting. I'll state it in neutral fashion to hopefully avoid the problem you are having understanding it. You implied that my making what I considered to be a correction of a fundamental conceptual/analytical error people were making regarding a very important policy matter would only have a purpose if it was part of my effort to advocate some policy position. I have tried to explain to you that I see providing such a correction -- if it is indeed a correction -- as having a very real, important purpose in itself, whether or not the person providing it has a policy preference that the correction somehow serves to support. If you don't think my correction was indeed a correction, fine (and see the following paragraph and question/statements). But I was stating my strong disagreement with your implication that such corrections have no purpose or value in themselves. ok? agreed?

Now, on to substance regarding SS, if you'll join me on that ground.

I think we should be able to agree at least that a good-faith discussion/debate should at least include direct answers to straight-forward questions, rather than ignoring such questions, "answering" straw men substitutes for them, or other avoidance or diversion. As you know I have asked you the same basic questions -- the questions that represent the main point I've been making -- over a dozen times and you have never answered them. You have, however, said (in that thread on Thoma's site) that I keep bringing up the same point (which you didn't describe correctly) which is obviously correct. Yet you still won't respond when I practically beg you to PLEASE just answer if you think the statements below are true. And the rationale you offer for not answering these simple questions is that I am "trying to trick people into conceding [my] logical premises". I am not saying this to be snarky, but I must say that I would be embarrassed to respond to someone with such a rationale (and insulted if someone defended me with it) because it's essentially saying "Hey, I'm not gonna answer that question, because I don't know what you're up to, but you're up to something bad, and if I answer your questions you might say something next that will cause me some kinda trouble." Look, it seems that no layperson on earth has collected and analyzed more about SS than you, so I really find that rationale odd unless what's really going on is that you just don't want to say that I'm right.

I'll try yet again. Do you agree that all four statements below are true?

1) Under current spending policies and at current levels of taxation, we face a huge, unsustainable OVERALL long-term fiscal imbalance that must be substantially reduced via higher taxation, lower spending (vs. projection), or a combination of the two.

2) Every dollar we spend on anything contributes to this imbalance, so SS spending contributes to this imbalance even if it is/were projected to be “solvent” forever, and a reduction in projected SS spending would reduce this overall fiscal imbalance.

3) Reducing projected SS spending would NOT require defaulting on the Trust Fund bonds even if, under the current SS FICA tax structure (tax rates and applicable income), SS is/were projected to be “solvent” forever, because we could simply lower the SS FICA tax rate (or the limit on applicable income) accordingly to match the lower level of projected spending (so that SS surpluses and Trust Fund assets don't grow forever). And this would not necessarily mean a net tax cut, since we could offset SS FICA tax cut with increases in other taxes, resulting in no net change in overall taxation, but a reduction in our overall fiscal imbalance.

4) Just as it is a bogus argument for anyone to say a supposed lack of SS “solvency” means we must cut projected SS spending, it is bogus (and nonsensical) for anyone to say that supposed indefinite (eternal) SS “solvency” means that SS spending does not contribute to our overall fiscal imbalance, that there would be no fiscal benefit to cutting projected SS spending, or that reducing SS spending would require defaulting on the bonds.

Do you agree that all of the above are completely true? If not, what's false/incorrect?

Or will you once again refuse to answer directly?

Brooks said...

Bruce,

I wrote that you reacted to my point by "saying my assertion was not only obviously wrong but reflected utter ignorance" and you said you "dare" me to supply a post from you saying such things. I REALLY would much rather discuss substance than on some endless discussion of the discussion, with your (double-standard) diatribes regarding my tone, etc. But a dare is hard to pass up.

I just checked ONE single thread, which I think was the first thread anywhere on which I made my point about the conceptual error people were making regarding SS "solvency" vis a vis our overall fiscal imbalance (oh, sorry, you think latin makes one sound pretentious -- as I told you previously, I use "arguendo" because it's substantially shorter than "just for the sake of argument". I usually prefer to type a word rather than the much longer definition of that word. I'm funny that way. Sorry if it touches on some insecurity of yours). Anyway, some highlights from that thread are in the paragraph below. I think it's fair to say you repeatedly asserted ignorance on my part. You also assert, in response to my repeated explanation that I am talking about our projected OVERALL fiscal imbalance and the contribution that SS spending makes to it, that "In the 'big picture' Social Security is a nothing and perhaps a positive."

In response to my point, you replied in a way that, as I said showed that you were "not seeing the forest through the trees". You responded by grossly misrepresenting my point and putting words in my mouth, then called me a "knave" and said I was "at best lazy, but probably simply dishonest." I then had an exchange with "Arne (not Anne)" and you chimbed in to say "Brooks, to follow up on Arne (not Anne) show that you can pass the 'No Economist Left Behind' challenge or take a nice stiff gulp of STFU. Frankly you are punching well above your weight on this issue." We then proceeded with our first of many uncivil exchanges from both sides. From you: "I know your type: dumb and lazy. Baaah." You later said "you are running with some of the big dogs here and you need to bring it. Being the best informed sophomore on the dorm floor not cutting it." You later quoted my statement: "I'm trying to say we need to look at that big picture, see how big the TOTAL imbalance is, what the costs/benefits/risks/rewards will be of addressing it to various extents in various ways with various timing under various assumptions, try to get some idea of probabilities or establish realistic ranges for all of the above, and then get into policy choices from an economic, and, ultimately, a moral perspective" and responded with "No you are not. You are trying to obscure the fact that you really had no clue as to the overall scope of Social Security 'crisis' and have been scrambling ever since. In the 'big picture' Social Security is a nothing and perhaps a positive...Try doing some homework next time." (As an important note, my point was NOT that there was a SS "crisis". I was clear that my concern was the projected OVERALL long-term fiscal imbalance). Later, from you: "The sequence is 'Read' 'Learn' 'Discuss'. Brooks you seem to have that directly backwards." And later you called me "All hat and no cattle."

All that from just one thread, and the first one at that. Now, please, let's get to substance. Please address my point -- my ACTUAL point, not some straw man. Just respond directly to my statements # 1 - 4 in my prior comment. PLEASE.

Bruce Webb said...

Brooks I am not ignoring you here. It is a little late my time and I am working from an IPhone and not my full fledged computer. Depending on priorities I will try to reply sometime AM Pacific tomorrow.

Brooks said...

thanks Bruce. No urgency, but I appreciate the thoughtful note.

I know we're both still engaging in some negativity, and I guess I can't just ask for the last word (my comments above), but I hope soon we can start fresh, and until we have good reason to question each other's motives or integrity, stay away from accusations, and also stay away from debating each other's respective tone in past or present, and just focus on substantive statements, questions, etc., responding directly, substantively and in good-faith.

Since I have tried so many times to get real, direct answers from you to questions similar to my statments #1 - 4 above, since they represents the main point I've been trying to make all along, and since without agreement on them a policy discussion would seem pointless for reasons I've explained, I think it's fair and appropriate for me to request that we start there. I hope you'll oblige.

Bruce Webb said...

Brooks frankly you are just performing a classic troll trick here, just extended beyond all bounds.

First you enter a discussion, say something misinformed and or stupid and then retreating into some meta argument that you were really making some other and supremely more lofty argument.

"(As an important note, my point was NOT that there was a SS "crisis". I was clear that my concern was the projected OVERALL long-term fiscal imbalance)"

Bullsh*t. You have an exaggerated sense of self-worth and didn't like being exposed as a fool in a major forum and have been scrambling ever since.

Frankly its bullsh*t and this post and all its comments will disappear fairly soon. I gave you a chance to make a substantive case and you insist on returning to your worn out rhetorical trap.

As for answers to nos 1-4. True and trivial. Good bye Brooks.

Brooks said...

Bruce,

First, congratulations on finally giving a straight answer! Wish you hadn't made it like pulling teeth over the last few months.

Re:"this post and all its comments will disappear fairly soon."

That's because (1) you are embarrassed that you didn't admit I was right from the beginning -- and despite numerous attempts to get you to answer -- but rather asserted that I was wrong, ignorant, dishonest, and pursuing a hidden agenda (and now, like a kid who is losing a pick-up football game in the park, you are going to pick up your football and go home -- i.e., end our exchange and delete it), and (2) you don't want any record of your agreement that those talking points of your "side" are invalid, indeed nonsensical. So just admit, at least to yourself, that your planned deletion of all this is not principled at all. And by the way, it won't really disappear. I keep a record of threads on partisan blogs whose moderators are prone to (or likely to) delete comments that make their "side" look bad, for my own research & writing purposes (re: the polarized, hyperpartisan political discourse in America today).

Now, for whatever it's worth, since you've FINALLY answered those simple questions (after making me work so hard for it over the past few months), here is the grand sum of my policy views re: SS in the context of our overall fiscal imbalance.

1) We face a huge, unsustainable OVERALL long-term fiscal imbalance over the next few decades under current and historical levels of taxation (40 year average of about 18% of GDP) and current spending policies (even if Defense goes down substantially), driven mainly by entitlements (as well as interest on the debt).

2) Within entitlements, Medicare is projected to grow more and be larger than SS, and therefore, by definition, will contribute more to the fiscal imbalance. SS, however, will also contribute a large amount to the fiscal imbalance since it will also be a large part of the budget. (And as you've finally agreed, SS "solvency" has nothing to do with the fact that each dollar spent on SS adds a dollar to this imbalance).

3) Major, painful sacrifices will have to be made to sufficiently reduce our overall fiscal imbalance.

4) As I said from the very beginning on Thoma's site and elsewhere, I favor letting all the Bush tax cuts expire, and I (and just about every economist and budget policy expert) believe we must find ways to spend much less than projected on entitlements. Cuts in the Defense budget and cuts in non-Defense discretionary programs simply won't sufficiently reduce this long-term imbalance (see here and here for a sense of scale based on the CBO Long-Term Budget Outlook, December, 2007), and if we tried to solve it mainly by tax increases we'd reach a point where we'd kill, or at least make quite ill, the proverbial goose that lays the golden eggs.

5) Therefore, in addition to substantial tax increases, perhaps eventally even beyond the expiration of the Bush tax cuts, and in addition to seeking savings on the discretionary side, I favor phasing in some degree of means-testing of entitlements so that those who are relatively affluent don't receive benefits at the expense of the rest of the population, who will already be harmed by the fiscal straight-jacket they will find themselves in (higher taxes and lower spending on programs that benefit them), something I also said from the very beginning. I also favor healthcare reform (including in the private sector, if beneficial) that can cut Medicare & Medicaid costs, while considering also quality and access to care. I haven't researched healthcare policy much, but I think it's quite possible that single-payer (rather than private insurance companies) would be a good policy.

So there you have it, Bruce. My grand conspiracy. And of course, I was obviously lying when I said I thought that correcting people on a fundamental conceptual/analytical error they were making had some purpose, some value, some benefit in itself. No, such corrections are worthless unless they support some policy objective. Man, you saw right through me from the start. Good for you, Bruce.

Brooks said...

oh, and re: "As for answers to nos 1-4. True and trivial."

Hardly trivial. When people who oppose ANY reduction in projected SS spending (via reductions in benefit levels and/or eligibility) base their position completely or to a large extent on the invalid arguments that (1) Because SS will be "solvent" for a long time (or forever), it is not contributing to our overall fiscal imbalance, and/or (2) that the only way we could reduce projected SS spending is to default on the bonds, correcting them on these erroneous assumptions is not at all "trivial". There are rational, logical arguments for leaving SS unchanged, but those two arguments are not among them.

Similarly, as I've pointed out many times to the RedState folks, there are legitimate arguments against tax increases (or for tax cuts), but the myth that "tax cuts increase revenues" is not one of them. I think correcting them on THAT erroneous assumption is not "trivial" either.

Certainly our unsustainable long-term fiscal imbalance is as far from "trivial" as an issue can be. So correcting pervasive myths and invalid talking points on which people are basing their (strongly held) policy positions must not be "trivial" either.

By the way, I should add to my prior comment that I also lean toward phasing in a higher retirement age for entitlement benefits, to the extent that it is shown that people at, say, 68are (now or at some point) as capable of working as people at 65 used to be, and given increased life-spans and the projected severe decline in worker-to-retiree ratio. I would also consider different indexing of initial SS benefits (the whole CPI vs. wage growth debate), but I haven't researched the respective arguments for each.

Brooks said...

And you wrote: "First you enter a discussion, say something misinformed and or stupid and then retreating into some meta argument that you were really making some other and supremely more lofty argument."

You then quoted me: "(As an important note, my point was NOT that there was a SS "crisis". I was clear that my concern was the projected OVERALL long-term fiscal imbalance)"

And you wrote "Bullsh*t. You have an exaggerated sense of self-worth and didn't like being exposed as a fool in a major forum and have been scrambling ever since."

Let me take a page out of your book and "dare" you to substantiate that charge. Where did I ever say or imply in any way that there was a SS "crisis"? (hint: nowhere. You won't bother looking, because you know your charge is completely fabricated by you). And if there is some other point that I was supposedly originally making that was "misinformed and or stupid" and from which I have retreated to some other argument, please explain and point me to it. Again, you can't, because outside of your mind, it simply didn't happen. But by all means, if think you can substantiate your charge, please try. Provide a link to the relevant comment(s) of mine that you think substantiate your charge.

In my comments upthread I've provided you links to my earliest comments on SS in the blogosphere in which I made my point. Go ahead, show me. Substantiate your charge.

LOL. Comically lame. The only mystery here is: Do you believe your own bullsh*t or are you just pretending in some futile effort to save face (well, along with deleting this thread out of obvious intellectual cowardice and lack of integrity, as you've said you'll do soon).

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